Dr. Azadeh Sami is a practicing pediatrician and public health researcher focusing on Iran.
Dr. Firouz Daneshgari, Surgeon-scientist, Professor, and 3rd Chairman of Department of Urology at Case Western Reserve University.
Dr. Zohreh Talebi, A Research Scientist and scholar practitioner in molecular biology, genetic and epigenetic factors.
Dr. Saeid Sajadi, currently practices medicine at his 3 private offices.
On January 8, 2021, Ali Khamenei, Iran’s regime supreme leader, said in a speech that “import of (Covid-19) vaccines made in the US and UK are prohibited.” An Expert panel of Iranian American physicians, scholar, and researchers examined the implications of Khamenei’s ban of internationally approved vaccines.
Panelists reject the notion that US sanctions are to blame for Iran regime failure to provide adequate healthcare, COVID-19 response, or other government benefits as these sanctions do not limit medical and other humanitarian aid.
Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei said last week that the country’s medical facilities were not allowed to import coronavirus vaccines made in the US or the UK, which led to the cancellation of an Iranian Red Crescent plan to distribute 150,000 doses of the Pfizer vaccine, paid for by American philanthropists. It comes after weeks of officials claiming that sanctions prevented them getting the vaccine, when the global coronavirus vaccine distributor, COVAX, said there were no barriers at all.
There is no plan to mitigate this loss, which could have saved 75,000 people and reduced transmission in people they came into contact with, because although the Health Ministry said that a domestic vaccine is being developed, pharmacists have described it as a “joke”, especially in comparison with existing vaccines.
Meanwhile, the people get no support from the regime. Lockdowns are not set, sick people aren’t paid to stay home, non-essential workers aren’t being furloughed. Iranians are being as careful as they can, but they cannot choose to stay home if it means starving to death. It does not help that the regime is also concealing the true extent of the pandemic, reporting just 56,000 deaths, when the opposition have logged over 200,000, or that it denied the virus was in Iran at all for the first two months in order to boost participation in the regime parades and elections.
The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) wrote: “Khamenei’s ban on foreign vaccines should have proven beyond a shadow of a doubt that Tehran was never actually serious about wanting to use sanctions relief in order to fight coronavirus… Khamenei has sent a clear message that his regime does not actually want the proffered foreign assistance in managing the public health crisis. By extension, he has confirmed that the clerical regime only wanted access to foreign capital as a way of shoring up its own power and was all too willing to use the pandemic in order to get it.”
The regime does not need any help getting money for the vaccine. Khamenei has hundreds of billions of dollars at his disposal, but it never gets used to help the Iranian people because the regime’s sole objective is to keep power at all costs. In this instance, it means subjecting the Iranian people to a pandemic so that they are too scared to go to the streets and overthrow the regime, but even the state-run media have admitted that this will not work for much longer.
The conference attended by 1,000 former political prisoners on November 14, 2021. Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), also addressed the conference.
The text of this statement is as follows:
On Sunday, November 14, 2021, a conference entitled “Seeking Justice for the 1988 Massacre, November 2019 Uprising” was held at Ashraf 3 in Albania. One thousand former political prisoners under the Shah and clerical dictatorships attended the conference, and 12 former political prisoners spoke.
Ms. Masoumeh Malek Mohammadi, a Deputy Secretary-General of the Mujahedin-e Khalq (MEK/PMOI), who was arrested in 1982 and served many years in Evin prison, chaired the gathering. In her opening remarks, she said: “Among the prisoners present here, 220 of us are MEK women. The summer of 1988 massacre was the largest massacre of political prisoners in modern history. Unprecedented genocide and crime, the dimensions of which have not yet been known due to the policy of appeasement, and no one has been prosecuted for it. Not only its commanders and perpetrators have not been held accountable, but also continue to commit crimes against humanity in the highest government positions.”
Hassan Zarif, who was held captive in Ghezel Hesar and Evin prisons for 12 years, said: “In October, when I was returned to the public ward (from solitary confinement), I realized that a huge massacre had taken place. 90 to 95% of the prisoners had been executed, and of the 14 wards in Evin, which had thousands of prisoners, less than 90 prisoners survived. In our ward, out of 175 prisoners, 150 had been executed. In some of the wards, no one had survived. Of the three women’s wards, which held about 250 prisoners, a few survived from one ward, and most were Marxist prisoners.”
In his remarks, Mohammad Raputam, imprisoned in Evin, Ghezel Hesar, and Gohardasht prisons for 11 years, said: “We were 154 prisoners, who were transferred from Gohardasht to Evin Prison in June 1988. I was taken to the Death Committee in early-August 1988, whose members are now the officials of the current regime, including its president (Ebrahim Raisi). Of the 154 MEK members and supporters that came from Gohardasht, 147 were executed during the 1988 massacre.”
Ms. Parvin Firouzan, imprisoned for 9.5 years in Evin, Ghezel Hesar, and Gohardasht prisons, said: “The execution of MEK women remains a mystery that has remained unsealed, while other aspects of the massacre have come to light. Very few women survived that genocide. All but one prisoner held in five rooms, each containing 10 to 15 people, were executed. They were women who, beyond human endurance, had experienced the bitter mental and physical torture round the clock-for seven years, including in residential units and in cages and solitary confinement for long periods.”
Assadollah Nabavi, imprisoned for 13 years in Semnan and Evin prisons, said: “July 30, 1988, was the beginning of executions in Semnan. At the beginning of the massacre, Semnan prison was full of political prisoners, but by late October 1988, there were only three of us left. This is the situation of a town, from which one can surmise the dimensions of the massacre and genocide and the number of MEK political prisoners executed throughout Iran.”
Abbas Torabi, imprisoned in various prisons in Zahedan, Evin and Ghezel Hesar for eight years, said: “I was in Zahedan prison at the time of the massacre and the public, and secret prisons in Zahedan were filled with political prisoners supporting the MEK, almost all of whom were executed. During the massacre, all those who intended to join the MEK abroad and were arrested at the border were summarily executed without trials. “They put us under extreme pressure, demanding that we insult Mr. Massoud Rajavi (leader of the Iranian Resistance) with profane language.
In her remarks, Ms. Homa Jaberi, arrested at the age of 18 and imprisoned for 5.5 years in Evin, Gohardasht, and Ghezel Hesar prisons, said: The conditions there were very terrible. They covered us from head to toe with blindfolds and chadors; we stood in absolute silence against the wall, without any movement, and were tortured every night. They did not allow us to sleep except once every few days. They attacked us several times a day, and we were severely tortured. Some of our sisters who had been there for 14 months lost their psychological balance due to mental and physical stress, and some of those who survived were executed in the 1988 massacre.
Mohammad Sadegh Sadeghi, held in Evin, Ghezel Hesar, Gohardasht, and Joint Committee prisons until 1987, said: “I was in ward four of Evin Prison in 1981, where sometimes 70 to 100 executions took place at night, and we counted the coup de grâce shots fired. However, the morale of our comrades was very high. On the night of September 28, 1981, I counted 292 coup de grâce shots. The executions started at 9 pm and lasted until dawn.”
Dr. Atefeh Ashtiani, imprisoned in Evin for five years, said: “My brother, Mehdi, was one of those massacred. He was arrested in 1984 at the age of 19. My sister, Maryam, was in contact with the MEK again after her release. She left home on October 2, 1992, but never returned. On August 30, 1993, Hamid Noury (A henchman now on trial for crimes against humanity in Sweden) told my mother: ‘Your daughter wanted to join the Mojahedin. We killed her.’” She added: “Those executed were among our nation’s best and brightest and included specialists, university professors, writers, artists, doctors, and nurses.”
Ali Sarabi, who spent five years in Evin, Gohardasht, and Ghezelhesar prisons, described his unsuccessful attempt to escape from prison and said: “For 1.5 months, while I was at the interrogation center, I heard gunshots, and coup de grâce shots almost every night. The prisoners remembered that about 1,500 people were executed by firing squad in proceeding nights following September 27, 1981. If I were to summarize prison experience in one sentence, I would say it was a crime beyond the human imagination perpetrated by the clerical regime on the one hand and the resistance beyond the human capacity put up by the MEK political prisoners on the other hand.
Rasoul Ebrahimian, who has spent 17 years in various prisons, spoke about the massacre of political prisoners in Tabriz: “In late July 1988, the open-air sessions and visitations were stopped… All MEK political prisoners were executed in Urmia and Shahrekord prisons.”
Ms. Mahin Latif, who had spent about six years in Evin Prison, said: “Khomeini and his executioners never imagined that women supporters of the MEK would humiliate their regime… The clerical regime spared no effort to conceal the dimensions of the crimes and the identities of the massacred… But just as the prison walls of the Shah’s regime collapsed, so will the prison walls of the clerical regime.”
Mrs. Maryam Rajavi, the President-elect of the National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI), arrived at the end of the conference. She paid tribute to the memory of more than 1,500 martyrs of the November 2019 uprising and the memory of the 1988 massacre victims.
She said: The flames of the November 2019 blood-soaked uprising have not and will never be extinguished. They will continue to fight until more uprisings like the one in November 2019 erupt, until the masterminds and perpetrators of all massacres are prosecuted, and until religious fascism in Iran is overthrown.
The November 2019 uprising carries a special message that seeking justice for the victims of the 1988 massacre is the same as rising up for the mullahs’ overthrow. From the prisons’ death corridors to the streets of Tehran, Tabriz, Ahvaz, and Isfahan, the Mojahedin (PMOI/MEK) will never give up on this objective until Iran is liberated. It is common knowledge that the mullahs’ bloodthirsty supreme leader Ali Khamenei and the mass murderer, Ebrahim Raisi, personally ordered the bloody crackdown on the uprising.
They can never escape prosecution and punishment. The Iranian people and Resistance will never give up on this goal. And no one can silence the cries of the brave mothers of the martyrs of November.
Mrs. Rajavi pointed out: The objective conditions for a democratic revolution and the overthrow of the clerical regime are riper than any other time. The country’s economy is paralyzed, and the vast majority of the population lives in poverty and starvation. Khamenei deliberately left the door open for the spread of the coronavirus and banned the import of foreign vaccines.
He wanted to contain society’s defiance, protests, and strikes by spreading death. However, the protest movement resurfaced with the uprising of the people of Baluchestan, followed by the uprising of the thirsty people of Khuzestan, protests by teachers, farmers, and workers nationwide.
With health experts predicting that a sixth wave of Covid-19 infections is imminent, the rising death toll due to the pandemic begs the question to just how effective the Iranian regime’s domestic vaccine is.
On October 17, the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) has revealed that over 458,700 people have died as a result of contracting the Covid-19 virus. The same day, engineered statistics from the regime put the death toll at 125,000, in an attempt to minimize just how serious the pandemic in Iran is. So far, the total number of people currently infected with the coronavirus is fast approaching six million.
In January of this year, Khamenei made the decision to ban imports of Covid-19 vaccines from Western countries, preferring instead to produce and endorse domestic alternatives. According to the World Health Organization (WHO), these domestically-produced vaccines have been proven to be less effective than the reputable foreign vaccines, and there has been a lack of proper testing done on them. This therefore explains the failure rate of Iran’s vaccines in protecting Iranians against the virus, as well as the emergence of severe side effects across the country.
In an article published in the Hamdeli daily on Wednesday, health expert Mohammad Reza Mahboubfar acknowledged that in response to the reports of severe side effects, the COVIran Barakat vaccine has stopped being administered, and the entire production project has been dismantled due to the Iranian people lacking trust in its efficacy.
The NCRI said, “That efficacy had been in question since the earliest stages of the project in question, yet with the regime still enforcing Khamenei’s ban on foreign imports, the decision was nonetheless made to fast-track production of 50 million doses within the first half of 2021.”
In actuality, the regime was unable to produce as many vaccines as they expected, and had to resort, on at least one occasion, to loosen the import ban enforcement to make up for their shortcomings. The only reason why the regime pushed for the domestic vaccine is because the Barakat vaccine was produced by the Barakat Pharmaceuticals Holding Company, an affiliation of the Execution of Imam Khomeini’s Order (EIKO) which is under the control of the regime’s Supreme Leader, Ali Khamenei.
As the Barakat vaccine has been deemed ineffective, Iranian citizens are desperately in need of the access to imported foreign vaccines, and until this is established, the already low vaccination rates in Iran will only get worse, and spark further infection waves.
The regime previously claimed that US sanctions were to blame for the ban of vaccine imports from abroad. Even prior to Khamenei announcing the first ban on imports, the US Treasury Department had already provided Iran with licenses to purchase vaccines from any country.
The NCRI said, “Such statements underscore the fact that if not for its regime’s policies, Iran could have responded much more quickly and effectively to the public health crisis. And judging by the numbers furnished by the MEK, doing so could have most likely saved tens of thousands of lives since the start of this year.”
Iran coronavirus outbreak death toll interactive map:
On June 19, Ebrahim Raisi was selected to take over the role as President of the Iranian regime from his predecessor Hassan Rouhani. Despite his appalling record of human rights abuses, Raisi, who was heavily involved in the 1988 massacre of 30,000 political prisoners, was specifically chosen by the regime’s Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei in an effort to help consolidate power in Iran.
Raisi is currently sanctioned by the United States for his crimes against humanity, and international human rights organizations, such as Amnesty International, have been calling for decades for him to be held accountable for his crimes and face prosecution.
The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) posed questions to the chairman of their Foreign Affairs Committee, Mohammad Mohaddessin as to why Raisi was the chosen candidate, despite Khamenei knowing that his choice would further isolate the regime from the international community.
Mohaddessin explained that Khamenei was aware of the consequences, but was more concerned about the threat of uprisings toppling the regime. The worsening economic situation is Iran is the worst it’s ever been and the majority of the population are living in extreme poverty. The outrage of the Iranian people has reached an explosive level, with demands for regime change growing louder.
Mohaddessin said, “The Iranian society has reached a level of awareness that the only solution for meeting even the most basic challenges to improve living conditions is simply regime change. Thus, any social protest is rapidly dominated by political demands, with explicit calls for regime change.”
The NCRI asked, “Would Khamenei succeed in facing future uprisings and preventing his regime’s downfall through suppression?”
Mohaddessin responded saying that the conflict between the Iranian people and the regime will only worsen, and while the regime is adamant on cracking down on current protests, it will reach a stage where they will be unable to prevent uprisings from happening.
He said, “The clerical regime is staring at its imminent downfall and had no viable strategies other than ending the “reformism” or “moderation” theatrics. It now has to show its true nature. But the Iranian people have tested this regime and do not have the slightest illusion that the only solution is regime change.”
As the Covid-19 crisis in Iran is worsening day by day, the NCRI questioned, “The Iranian Resistance has underlined that Khamenei and his regime used the coronavirus to prevent uprisings. Have they been successful?”
Mohaddessin explained that Khamenei’s actions in the past two years have left the Iranian people defenseless against the pandemic. When Khamenei banned the import of reputable vaccines from America and Europe, this led to the deaths of hundreds of thousands of people in Iran. This preventable situation is now another reason for the threat of future uprisings.
Mohaddessin said, “Khamenei intended to launch mass casualties by exploiting the coronavirus outbreak. He calculated that if the coronavirus could result in mass casualties, people would naturally be disillusioned, and no one would have the energy to rise up against the regime. Thus, there would be an atmosphere of despair and hopelessness in society.”
What Khamenei could not predict was the activities of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) and their Resistance Units, who have ‘kept the flames of resistance alight in every arena’ and helped Iranian society to fight for their rights and stand up to the regime and their misdeeds and rotten policies.
Mohaddessin said, “They have inspired younger generations of Iranians to continue the MEK’s path despite the regime’s attempts to prevent them from discovering the MEK’s genuine message, and despite the regime’s demonization campaign against the MEK.”
With the current economic crises in Iran, the Iranian regime has been pressuring countries around the world, who have the regime’s money frozen in accounts, to release the money for immediate use. However, the question remains as to whether this money will be used to fund the regime’s malign activities or to help the Iranian people out of the crises.
Official figures of the amount of Tehran’s frozen money stored in accounts abroad are non-existent, but it is speculated that the amount ranges between $20 billion and $180 billion. Most notably in the demands for the release of funds, the regime has been increasing pressure on South Korea to release over $7 billion.
The National Council of Resistance of Iran (NCRI) said, “The South Korean government has refused to give any cash to the Iranian regime, citing the U.S. sanctions on Tehran’s oil export. This has been a similar case with China, Japan, and India.”
Any money that can be released is allowed to be spent on procuring vaccines in order to keep control of the Covid-19 outbreak in Iran. According to figures from the Iranian opposition, Iran’s current death toll from the pandemic has reached over 453,900, while figures engineered by the regime have given a lower toll of 122,868. Either way, these figures confirm that the worst is not over in Iran.
The sanctions on the regime are in place due to their malign activities and will only be lifted if the mullahs agree to cease their support of terrorism and stop the regime’s nuclear program, neither of which they are likely to do any time soon.
The NCRI said, “The regime needs a flow of cash to fund its terrorist proxy groups such as Hezbollah and Houthis. According to an exclusive report published by the U.S. State Department in 2020, the Iranian regime pays as much as $700 million in funds annually to Hezbollah.”
In recent revelations uncovered by the Iranian Resistance in regards to the regime’s extensive UAV program, the fact that the regime often funds their terrorist allied groups has been confirmed. The NCRI stated that in the early 2000s, a number of members of the Hezbollah group in Lebanon received training on aircrafts in Iran with a company that produces UAVs. Later, the regime sent several of the aircrafts to Lebanon for the Hezbollah’s use.
When the regime became a part of the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, formerly known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), they receive billions of dollars from abroad. The money was never used to improve the living conditions of the Iranian people, and was instead used to fund the regime’s terrorist activities. As a result, major protests in Iran erupted in 2018 because of the economic crises that society was facing, which later led to the notable November 2019 uprising.
The lack of action from western governments into curbing the regime’s malign activities has allowed the mullahs to advance their nuclear programs, as well as their missile and UAV programs, unattested. All the while, over 80% of Iranians are living under the poverty line, in appalling living conditions with the lack of many job opportunities.
The current period of persistent unrest in Iran is years in the making, but ever since Ebrahim Raisi was appointed at the Iranian regime’s new president in June, the unrest has amplified. This is no surprise considering Raisi’s history of human rights abuses and crimes against humanity.
Raisi was involved heavily in Iran’s 1988 massacre, which saw 30,000 political prisoners executed during the summer of that year. As the deputy public prosecutor in Tehran at the time, Raisi became an official on the ‘death commission’, a panel of judges who implemented then-supreme leader, Ruhollah Khomeini’s fatwa which ordered them to execute those prisoners that were allied with the Iranian Resistance.
Iran’s most notable uprisings took place in January 2018 and November 2019, with protests taking place in hundreds of cities across the country. Both uprisings featured protesters displaying anti-regime slogans, such as ‘Death to the Dictator’.
In recent protests, many of the slogans are aimed directly at Raisi, while others are focused on Ali Khamenei, the regime’s current supreme leader.
Resistance units continue to protest across Iran to this date, bravely fighting for regime change to provide solutions to Iran’s current social and economic crises. The most recent wave of protests featured Iranian teachers, who took to the streets across the country as the new academic year started.
The NCRI said, “Although teachers have specific and unique grievances, a number of the associated protests have embraced the message of regime change, thereby continuing a trend that was previously seen in demonstrations by pensioners, blue-collar workers, victims of government investment scams, and so on.”
Adding to the growth of public outrage has been the current public health crisis, and more importantly in how the regime has mismanaged the Covid-19 pandemic in Iran. According to the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), the current death toll due to the pandemic is surpassing 445,000, which is four times higher than figures that regime authorities have stated. The high numbers are believed to be due to Khamenei’s import ban of reputable vaccines from the United States and Europe.
At the beginning of the pandemic, Khamenei was reported to have referred to the pandemic as a ‘blessing’, as he later used it as a method to contain the unrest in Iran following the November 2019 uprising.
The NCRI said, “Certainly, the decline in unrest during 2020 speaks to the fact that this was an opportunity for the regime to acquire some breathing room. Khamenei sought to take advantage of that opportunity after the prior failure of violent repression.”
In recent weeks, protests staged by Iranian teachers, among other public demonstrations, have featured slogans coined by Resistance units, memorializing the ‘1,500 martyrs’ of the November 2019 uprising. The number signified the death toll of the protesters that lost their lives at the hand of the regime during the demonstrations at that time.
The NCRI said, “Even after 1,500 people had been killed, and countless others tortured, it took a pandemic for Iran’s public activism to become more subdued. But this change was only temporary. Resistance Units have continued their work in the interim and have made the general public aware of the ongoing proliferation of reasons for them to demand regime change.”
The Arman daily have rejected the claims of rapid vaccinations by regime president Ebrahim Raisi, acknowledging that not nearly enough people have had their first vaccines. They said, “We cannot say that the entire population has received one dose of Covid-19 vaccines, and there is general immunity. We cannot claim that 50% of the population has been vaccinated.”
With most vaccination centers no longer having access to the Astra Zeneca vaccine and limited numbers of the domestically produced Barakat vaccine, those who have had these for their first vaccine are confused as to what their options are as they cannot use other vaccines for their second dose.
Ebtekar daily warned that the Iran economy is ‘facing a difficult path’, as the crisis continues to cause further problems to the lives of Iranian citizens making their daily lives and livelihoods become harder to cope with.
The NCRI said, “As always, state-run media warn about people’s reaction to the ongoing crises and the possibility of another uprising.”
According to the Arman daily, the current situation in Iran requires the regime to make urgent decisions and offer short-term solutions. The first of which will be to reduce the prices of basic needs that have skyrocketed in recent months due to inflation. They said, “Contrary to the government’s promises to reduce prices in the past two months, the recent price increase has been unprecedented.”
The Setare Sobh daily suggested that Raisi is unaware of how difficult it is to free up the resources that have been blocked, or believes that somehow freeing up the foreign exchange resources is just as simple as importing vaccines. They said, “But there is another possibility that Raisi is repeating Hassan Rouhani’s strategy: speech therapy to control the price of the dollar!”
The NCRI said, “The state-run media also acknowledged the rising trend of the recent protests across Iran.”
Etemad daily reported on Tuesday that many of the problems in Iran need clear legislation in order for a suitable solution to be found. Social protests are on the rise recently and this is one of the important issues that needs addressing. Teachers and workers have been protesting in recent weeks in order to improve their living conditions as their salaries are nowhere near enough for them to live on. Many of these people are living below the poverty line.
Etemad daily further explained that numerous arrests during these protests were the regime’s attempts to prevent the spread of protests and bring an end to them. They said, “Yet due to the Iranians’ spirit, the arrest of a person hurts the conscience of his colleagues and encourages them to continue his path.”
Iran, September 22, 2021— While the new academic year has been started, the internal network of the opposition People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK) say, “Turn every university and school into a Resistance Unit.”
Also, the vast activities of the MEK’s Resistance Units inside Iran pointed out that the main cause of the country’s fifth peak is nothing but the inhuman policies of the regime’s Supreme leader Ali Khamenei, who banned the import of WHO-approved vaccines.
In this regard, Resistance Units of the People’s Mojahedin Organization of Iran (PMOI/MEK), say, “The Iranian people want to get rid of Covid-19 and the mullahs.”
The Iranian Resistance Units also spread anti-regime slogans, emphasizing that the only solution to fix the situation is to rise and overthrow the mullahs.
Resistance Units slogans read: Tehran— “The regime is facing a tough year with deadly consequences” Mashhad— “The Iranian people will overcome coronavirus and the mullahs” Isfahan— “Iranian people will not give up to coronavirus and the mullahs” Garmsar— “We can, and we must overthrow the mullahs’ regime” Nishabur— “Turn every university and school into a Resistance Unit” Shiraz— “Rise up for freedom” Shiraz— “Down with Khamenei, hail to Rajavi” Nishabur— “We must not give up to the coronavirus caused by the mullahs. We must rise.” Nishabur— “Down with Khamenei” Mashhad— “Down with Raisi” Qom— “Down with Khamenei” Maragheh— “Down with Khamenei & Raisi, hail to the MEK” Minab— “Down with Khamenei & Raisi the ‘Butcher’, hail to Rajavi” Ahvaz— “Down with Khamenei the dictator” Sanandaj— “Only way to save our people is the MEK, down with Khamenei & Raisi the ‘Butcher’ hail to Rajavi” Tehran— “Down with Khamenei, hail to the MEK” Tehran— “Down with Khamenei, hail to Rajavi”.