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Former UN Special Rapporteur Clément Nyaletsossi Voule Calls for Global Action on Iran’s Human Rights Violations

Former UN Special Rapporteur Clément Nyaletsossi Voule

At a recent international conference focusing on Iran’s grave human rights violations, Clément Nyaletsossi Voule, the former UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights to Freedom of Peaceful Assembly and of Association, made a powerful appeal for global intervention to ensure justice and accountability. Voule underscored the persistent denial of justice to victims of the Iranian regime’s systematic repression.

Drawing from his extensive experience interacting with Iranian authorities, Voule emphasized the ongoing lack of cooperation and transparency in addressing violations of peaceful assembly and association rights. He highlighted the alarming trend where, despite numerous reports and dialogues with Iranian officials concerning the excessive use of force and disappearances during demonstrations, the legal proceedings have disproportionately targeted protesters rather than the security forces responsible for the violence.

Voule also shed light on his collaborative efforts with Javaid Rehman in 2020 concerning the 1988 massacres in Iran. He noted that they had repeatedly communicated with Iranian authorities, raising concerns over the regime’s refusal to clarify the events surrounding the massacres and the ongoing persecution of the victims.

He urged the international community to take decisive action, arguing that the failure of Iran’s domestic legal system to deliver justice demands a strong international response. Voule stressed that global priorities, such as nuclear negotiations, should not overshadow the urgent need to address these severe human rights violations, emphasizing that peace and justice are intrinsically linked.

In closing, Voule called for the Iranian regime to be held accountable under international law and encouraged the global community to support mechanisms that would ensure justice for the victims of Iran’s human rights abuses.

A translated version of Clément Nyaletsossi Voule’s speech follows:

Ladies, esteemed participants, Mr. Rapporteur, and dear friend Javaid Rehman, as well as the other participants, I would first like to thank you for this invitation. From my perspective, this important meeting is primarily focused on finding ways, approaches, and solutions to ensure accountability for the violations that have occurred in Iran.

First and foremost, I would like to express my solidarity and support for all the victims. I also want to convey that I share the pain of these victims. I believe that when faced with violations such as those detailed here, and when, to this day, we still have no information on the circumstances nor the possibility for victims to access justice, we are dealing with yet another layer of violation.
This is what international law identifies when victims face a denial of justice; these victims are still in a situation where their rights are being violated.

As a former special rapporteur on the freedom of peaceful assembly and association, I have, in several instances, had the opportunity to engage with Iranian authorities. Often, this was done in concert with Special Rapporteur Javaid, focusing on human rights violations, particularly regarding the freedom of association and peaceful assembly.

Much has been said here, and I don’t think I need to reiterate a number of facts. However, it is important to mention two specific instances in which I had worked consistently for months. Only God knows how hard we tried to establish frameworks of cooperation to help the Iranian authorities understand the importance of shedding light on these circumstances so that victims could access justice and reparation. You are well aware of the famous case of Mahsa Amini, this woman who was murdered—it must be said, it was a murder—that sparked protests from women seeking freedom and reclaiming their rights.

We received numerous reports about the circumstances surrounding these massacres. We held several meetings with Iranian authorities to raise our concerns about the excessive use of force and the disappearances that occurred during these protests. However, it is clear that, to this day, the trials that have taken place have primarily targeted protesters rather than the security forces who cracked down on these demonstrations. So, instead of the perpetrators of crimes and repression being held accountable, those who sought to exercise their rights peacefully were the ones being judged, while the criminals held positions of power in various ministries and institutions.

This is a striking example for us because we also sent follow-up communications to insist on the necessity of prosecuting those responsible for these massacres. However, it is disheartening to note that, to this day, Iranian authorities have shown no willingness to pursue or clarify the circumstances in which hundreds of protesters were killed, imprisoned, and some disappeared.
As mentioned by the moderator, we also collaborated in 2020 with Javaid on the issue of the 1988 massacres. We sent communications to the Iranian authorities, expressing our concerns about their refusal to clarify these circumstances and the ongoing persecution of victims. This is what we now call transnational repression in international law, as these victims, scattered in different camps, continue to be harassed by the regime in power.

We tried to communicate this, but so far, nothing has been done—no willingness from the authorities to resolve the issue or clarify the circumstances.

So the question is very simple: What do we do when faced with a state, a country, or authorities that have no intention of clarifying the circumstances surrounding a series of crimes, particularly those under international law?

From my point of view, this is where the international community steps in. Yes, it is true that the international judicial system only intervenes when the national system fails to respond, or when there is no willingness on the part of the national system to prosecute certain crimes, or when the national system lacks the competence to judge certain crimes.

Today, it is very clear to me, based on my experience as a former rapporteur and my discussions with Iranian authorities, that the solution now lies at the international level.
Let’s not deceive ourselves: the Iranian authorities have demonstrated their limitations in dealing with the crimes and events we’ve mentioned, and which have been highlighted here, due to a lack of willingness from the state to fulfill its international obligations.

For me, it is evident that Javaid’s report, which I commend for its courage, and the soon-to-be-completed work of the fact-finding commission, offer a major opportunity for the international community to heed the cries of Iranian victims.

I believe, as Leila has outlined, and Javaid has also detailed in his report, that universal jurisdiction is a potential avenue for the international community to pursue. This would ensure that the crimes committed within Iran’s jurisdiction, which are recognized under international law, are prosecuted, and that those responsible are punished according to international law.

However, dear friends and experts, I am convinced that all of us here today, even if we don’t explicitly say it, know that the international situation is very complex. Today, victims and human rights violations are not a priority—not because international law doesn’t mandate it, but because we are in a situation where state interests are taking precedence. We are also witnessing an international community moving from crisis to crisis.

This allows authoritarian regimes and perpetrators of violations to rely on emerging conflicts to escape international law.

This is the trap for the international community, and it’s a trap we must not fall into.

That’s why I repeat, solemnly, that the international community must never forget that human rights violations—especially the most serious crimes—must never be separated from international peace and the pursuit of international solidarity.
History has shown us that when crimes are ignored in one jurisdiction, international peace is threatened.

Today, we must continue to assert, whether in Europe or the United States, that the human rights situation in Iran should not be sacrificed at the altar of nuclear negotiations.

Let’s be clear: this is the issue at hand. The pursuit of a nuclear deal with Iran must not silence these victims—thousands of victims who are still out there today.

Because if we don’t act, if we don’t provide justice if we don’t ensure that the international community offers the victims a path to justice, any nuclear agreement will be fleeting. History has shown that when authoritarian regimes strengthen domestically, they seek dominance externally, leading to crises, as we see today.

That’s why, once again, I say that it is time—it’s not the victims we need to turn to, because we already have the evidence. It is time for the international community to take responsibility for the violations and crimes committed in Iran, as the victims have done their part. They have testified, and they have provided all the evidence they could.

Now, it is the international community’s responsibility to address a country that refuses to fulfill its obligations and stop the violations committed within its jurisdiction.

I will stop here, reiterating that we, as experts, are always ready to support these victims. Javaid also proposed a mechanism to delve deeper into the 1988 massacres, and I believe it is time for the international community to take responsibility in this regard.
Thank you.

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